Effect of Parental and Caregiver Imprisonment on Children

Studies indicate that the imprisonment of a parent or caregiver can have negative effects on children and their longer-term outcomes (Butler and Misinde 2020; Flynn and Eriksson 2015; Foster and Hagan 2009; Hagan and Foster 2012; Wildeman 2014). Research indicates that parental imprisonment and the imprisonment of caregivers can result in reduced wellbeing, financial hardship, social exclusion, relationship breakdown and increase the risk of children becoming involved in crime and/or imprisoned later in life (Butler and Misinde 2020; Murray 2005, Murray and Farrington 2008a, 2008b; Kjellstrand and Eddy 2011; Jones and Wainaina-Woźna 2013; Wildeman 2014). In addition, the imprisonment of parents and caregivers can exacerbate issues of poverty and inequality (Butler and Misinde 2020; Wildeman, 2014). Compared to other types of separation between children and their caregivers, parental/caregiver imprisonment can predict delinquency, antisocial behaviour, depression and anxiety during adulthood, even when parental/caregiver criminality and other childhood risk factors are controlled for (Murray and Farrington 2008a, 2008b). Parental and caregiver imprisonment have also been linked to children experiencing separation anxiety, behavioural disturbances, reduced health, increased feelings of worry, poor educational attainment, anger and decreased stable, quality parenting (Butler, Hayes, Devaney and Percy 2015; Foster and Hagan 2009; Mears and Siennick 2016; Miller and Barnes 2015; Murray 2005; Wakefield and Wildeman 2013; Wildeman 2014; Wildeman, Goldman and Turney 2018). We use the term caregiver imprisonment as well as parental imprisonment as in many countries, children are not just looked after by their parents but also by grandparents, aunts, uncles and siblings (Beegle, Filmer, Stokes and Tiererova 2010).

 

Research indicates that the effects of parental/caregiver imprisonment on child outcomes may vary depending on the relationship between the child and imprisoned person, the gender of the child and by jurisdiction (Besemer, van der Geest, Murray, Bijleveld and Farrington 2011; Besemer, van der Weijer and Dennison 2018; Gaston 2016; Geller, Cooper, Garfinkel, Schwatz-Soicher and Mincy 2012; Murray, Farrington and Sekol 2012; Murray, Janson and Farringtom 2007; Turney and Wildeman 2015). Butler and Misinde (2020) argue that jurisdiction matters because the effects of caregiver and parental imprisonment may vary due to differing socio-economic policy contexts and the available of support services across different jurisdictions. The nature of the relationship between the child and imprisoned person, as well as their involvement in each other’s lives is also key to understanding the extent to which parental/caregiver imprisonment may affect children (Foster and Hagan 2009; Hagan and Dinovitzer 1999; Murray and Murray 2010; Wakefield and Wildeman 2011; Wildeman 2014). For those involved in each other’s lives and reporting positive relationships, imprisonment can have a substantial negative effect on children and the outcomes they experience (Foster and Hagan 2009; Hagan and Dinovitzer 1999; Murray and Murray 2010; Wakefield and Wildeman 2011; Wildeman 2014).  Yet, among those who report little involvement, the impact may be minimal and if the relationship between the child and imprisoned person was violent or abusive then positive effects may be witnessed (Amato, Loomis and Booth 1995; Jaffee, Moffitt, Caspi and Taylor 2003; Nesmith and Ruhland, 2008; Wilderman, 2014). The gender of the imprisoned person may also matter. Studies suggest that the effect of imprisonment on children can be even greater when it is their mother that is imprisoned compared to their father, as children are more likely to be placed in the care of the state in these circumstances (Dallaire 2007). Another area of concern is the potential for parental/caregiver imprisonment to reproduce and exacerbate experiences of inequality, crime and poverty, contributing to the intergenerational transmission of crime, poverty and inequality, as children become increasingly exposed to more adverse experiences and economic hardships (Butler and Misinde 2010; Widleman 2014). For all of these reasons, it is important that we understand how, and in what circumstances, the imprisonment of a parent or caregiver may negatively impact on children and their outcomes.

 

Much of the existing research that has been conducted on this topic has taken place in high-income, developed countries with less known about its effects on low and middle income countries. This is in spite of studies indicating that the effects of parental and caregiver imprisonment may vary between different jurisdictions (Besemer et al. 2011; Butler and Misinde 2020; Murray et al. 2007). Improving child outcomes is one development challenge that many countries face, as they struggle to deal with early school leaving, poor educational attainment, inequality, child poverty, hunger, ill-health and reduced child well-being (McCoy, Peet, Ezzati, Danaei, Black, Sudfield, Fawzi and Fink 2016; UNICEF 2016; UN 2018). In particular, improving child outcomes can be a key development challenge for low income countries due to the high levels of poverty and low levels of human resources they experience, as well as their vulnerability to economic and environmental shocks (UNICEF, 2016; UN 2018). Consequently, careful thought needs to be given to criminal justice policymaking, and how and when imprisonment is used as a punishment for law breaking, in order to avoid undermining efforts to improve child outcomes and tackle key development challenges.

 

This project seeks to raise awareness of these issues and prompt discussion on how criminal justice policymaking and the use of imprisonment may affect children, their outcomes and key development challenges. By building a network of interested stakeholders, we aim to work together to build skills and gather a research evidence base which can be used by those working in this area to inform their policymaking and practices. If you are interested in becoming a member of our network, please complete the membership form here .

 

References

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Beegle, K., Filmer, D., Stokes, A., & Tiererova, L. (2010). Orphanhood and the living arrangements of children in sub-Saharan Africa. World Development, 38(12), 1727–1746.

Besemer, S., Van der Geest, V., Murray, J., Bijleveld, C. C., & Farrington, D. P. (2011). The relationship between parental imprisonment and offspring offending in England and the Netherlands. The British Journal of Criminology, 51(2), 413–437.

Besemer, K. L., van de Weijer, S. G., & Dennison, S. M. (2018). Risk marker or risk mechanism? The effect of family, household, and parental imprisonment on children and adults’ social support and mental health. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 45(8), 1154–1173.

Butler, M., Hayes, D., Devaney, J., & Percy, A. (2015). Strengthening family relations? A review of the Families Matter Programme at Maghaberry prison. Belfast: Barnardo’s NI.

Butler, M. & Misinde, C. (2020) Worsening Child Outcomes? Caregiver Imprisonment and its Impact on Child Poverty, Health, Wellbeing and Education in Uganda, European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research. Online Early Publication, 14 July 2020, https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10610-020-09440-9

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Turney, K., & Wildeman, C. (2015). Detrimental for some? Heterogeneous effects of maternal incarceration on child wellbeing. Criminology & Public Policy, 14(1), 125–156.

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